Wednesday, February 01, 2006

North American Man/Boy Love Association

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

A NAMBLA logo. The capital M and lowercase b symbolize a man and a boy.
The North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) is a U.S.-based organization that opposes the use of age-of-consent laws as the sole criterion for deciding whether minors can legally engage in sexual relations. NAMBLA defends what it asserts to be the right of minors to explore their sexuality on a much freer basis. It has resolved to "end the oppression of men and boys who have freely chosen mutually consenting relationships", and calls for "the adoption of laws that both protect children from unwanted sexual experiences and at the same time leave them free to determine the content of their own sexual experiences." [1].

NAMBLA describes itself as a "support group," and some opponents argue that it is a "training ground" for adults who wish to seduce children, in which men exchange strategies on how to find and groom child sex partners. Opponents also argue that pre-pubescent children in particular are not capable of giving consent and that the power imbalance between adults and children makes any sexual relationship exploitative.
However, although a number of NAMBLA members have been charged with and convicted of sexual offenses against children, no evidence has surfaced to prove that NAMBLA facilitates or encourages illegal activities. NAMBLA's webpage states that "NAMBLA does not provide encouragement, referrals or assistance for people seeking sexual contacts" and that it does not "engage in any activities that violate the law. . . . [or] advocate that anyone else should [violate the law]." [2]

NAMBLA is an unincorporated association based in New York City and San Francisco, guided by a steering committee. There is an annual gathering in New York City, and monthly meetings around the country. [3]

In the early 1980s, NAMBLA was reported to have had over 300 members, and was supported by such noted figures as Allen Ginsberg. Since then, the organization has kept membership data private, but an undercover FBI investigation in 1995 discovered that there were 1,100 people on the rolls. [4]

Since 1995, public criticism and law enforcement infiltration has heavily impaired the organization. Its national headquarters now consists of little more than a private mail box service in San Francisco, and inquiries are rarely responded to. NAMBLA is often accused of fronting an informal network that promotes the sexual exploitation of children. NAMBLA claims sexual acts between adults and minors under the age of consent are not necessarily exploitative. Some reports state that the group no longer has regular national meetings and few local monthly meetings.[5]

Platform and positions

NAMBLA describes itself as a "support group for intergenerational relationships," and uses the slogan "sexual freedom for all." According to the group's web site, its aim is to "support the rights of youth as well as adults to choose the partners with whom they wish to share and enjoy their bodies." [6]

One of the group's arguments is that age of consent laws unnecessarily criminalize sexual relationships between adults and minors (particularly boys). [7]

In 1980 a NAMBLA general meeting passed a resolution, proposed by Tom Reeves, which said: "(1) The North American Man/Boy Love Association calls for the abolition of age-of-consent and all other laws which prevent men and boys from freely enjoying their bodies. (2) We call for the release of all men and boys imprisoned by such laws." [8]

This policy was still in NAMBLA's "official position papers" in 1996.


NAMBLA members march in an antinuclear demonstration in 1982
In addition to supporting the repeal of age of consent laws, NAMBLA has also opposed corporal punishment, rape, and kidnapping, and has declared that sexual exploitation is grounds for expulsion from the group. [9]

Although some sources allege that NAMBLA has used the slogan "sex by eight is too late" or "sex by eight or else it's too late"[10], this motto is properly attributed to the René Guyon Society.

History

NAMBLA emerged from the tumultuous political atmosphere of the 1970s, particularly from the wing of the Gay Liberation movement that followed the 1969 Stonewall riots in New York City. Although discussion of gay adult-minor sex did take place, gay rights groups immediately following the Stonewall riot were more concerned with issues of police harassment, nondiscrimination in employment, health care and other issues.
Not until a "sex ring" of underage boys brought intense media scrutiny in Boston in the closing weeks of 1977, and police raided the Toronto-area gay newspaper The Body Politic for publishing an article by Gerald Hannon titled "Men Loving Boys Loving Men" did the subject of adult-minor sex garner enough attention to prompt the formation of a group like NAMBLA.

The founding of NAMBLA (1977-1978)
In December 1977, police raided a house in the Boston suburb of Revere. Twenty-four men were arrested and indicted on over 100 felony counts of the statutory rape of boys aged eight to fifteen. Suffolk County District Attorney Garrett Byrne alleged that the men used drugs and video games to lure the boys into a house, where they photographed them as they engaged in sexual activity. Byrne accused the men of being members of a "sex ring", and said that the arrest was only "the tip of the iceberg." The arrests sparked intense media coverage, and local newspapers published the photographs and personal information of the accused men.
Staff members of the gay newspaper Fag Rag believed the raid was politically motivated. They and others in Boston's gay community saw Byrne's round-up as an anti-gay witchhunt. On December 9 they organized the Boston-Boise Committee, a name intended as a reference to a similar situation that unfolded in Boise, Idaho in the 1950s. The group sponsored rallies, provided funds for the defendants, and tried to educate the public about the case by passing out fliers. It would also later spawn NAMBLA.
District Attorney Garrett Byrne was defeated in his re-election bid. The new DA said that no man should fear prison for having sex with a teenager unless coercion was involved. All charges were dropped. The few who had already pled or been found guilty received only probation. [11]

On December 2, 1978, Tom Reeves of the Boston-Boise Committee convened a meeting called "Man/Boy Love and the Age of Consent." Approximately 150 people attended. At the meeting's conclusion, about thirty men and youths decided to form an organization which they called the North American Man/Boy Love Association, or NAMBLA for short.

Ostracism
Immediately following the Stonewall riots, some U.S. and Canadian gay rights organizations advocated the abolition of age-of-consent laws, believing that gay liberation was to apply to all gays, not just those above a certain age. [12]

The Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), a group which splintered from the Gay Liberation Front in December of 1969, opposed age-of-consent laws and hosted a forum on the topic in 1976. In 1972 Chicago's Gay Activists Alliance and New York's Gay Activists Alliance jointly sponsored a conference that brought together gay rights activists from eighty-five different gay rights organizations and eighteen states. [13]

At the conference these approximately 200 activists coalesced to form the National Coalition of Gay Organizations, and drafted and passed a "Gay Rights Platform" [14] which called for the "repeal of all laws governing the age of sexual consent." The Canadian Lesbian and Gay Rights Coalition, also known as the National Gay Rights Coalition (NGRC), supported eliminating age-of-consent laws, as did Gay Alliance Toward Equality (GATE). [15]

The relative acceptance or indifference to opposition of the age-of-consent began to change at the same time as accusations that gays were child pornographers and child molesters became common. Only weeks apart in 1977 both Judianne Densen-Gerber, founder of the New York drug rehabilitation center Odyssey House, and former beauty queen Anita Bryant launched separate campaigns targeting gays. Densen-Gerber alleged that gays produced and sold child pornography on a massive scale, while Anita Bryant's "Save Our Children" campaign sought to portray all gays as child molesters. "The recruitment of our children," Bryant argued, "is absolutely necessary for the survival and growth of homosexuality." Bryant's campaign focusing on the alleged "recruitment" of boys by gay men succeeded in overturning a law that had protected civil rights for gays in Dade County, Florida. As a result, the age-of-consent issue became a hotly debated topic within the gay community, and disputes over the age of consent issue within and between gay rights groups -- many of which directly or indirectly involved NAMBLA -- began to occur on an increasingly frequent basis.
Disagreement was evident following the conference that organized the first gay march on Washington in 1979. In addition to forming several working committees, the conference was responsible for drafting the basic organizing principles of the march ("the five demands" PDF [see p. 23]). Originally, the Gay Youth Caucus had won approval for its proposal demanding "Full Rights for Gay Youth, including revision of the age of consent laws." However at the first meeting of the National Coordinating Committee, a contingent of lesbians threatened not to participate in the march unless a substitute was adopted. The substitute, authored by an adult lesbian and approved in a mail poll by a majority of delegates, stated: "Protect Lesbian and Gay Youth from any laws which are used to discriminate against, oppress, and/or harass them in their homes, schools, job and social environments." [16]

In 1980 a group called the "Lesbian Caucus – Lesbian & Gay Pride March Committee" distributed a hand-out urging women to split from the annual New York City Gay Pride March because the organizing committee had supposedly been dominated by NAMBLA and its supporters. [17]

The next year, after some lesbians threatened to picket, the Cornell University gay group Gay PAC (Gay People at Cornell) rescinded its invitation to NAMBLA founder David Thorstad to be the keynote speaker at the annual May Gay Festival. [18]

In the following years, gay rights groups attempted to block NAMBLA’s participation in gay pride parades, prompting leading gay rights figure Harry Hay to wear a sign proclaiming "NAMBLA walks with me" as he participated in a 1986 gay pride march in Los Angeles.
Thus by the mid-1980s, NAMBLA was virtually alone in its positions and found itself politically isolated. Gay rights organizations, burdened by accusations of child recruitment and child abuse, had abandoned the radicalism of their early years and had "retreat[ed] from the idea of a more inclusive politics," [19] opting instead to appeal more to the mainstream. Support for "groups perceived as being on the fringe of the gay community," such as NAMBLA, vanished in the process.[20] Today almost all gay rights groups disavow any ties to NAMBLA, voice disapproval of its objectives, and attempt to prevent NAMBLA from having a role in gay and lesbian rights events.

The ILGA controversy
The case of ILGA illustrates this opposition. In 1993, the International Lesbian and Gay Association, of which NAMBLA had been a member for a decade, achieved United Nations consultative status. NAMBLA's association with ILGA drew heavy criticism, and many gay organizations called for the ILGA to dissolve ties with NAMBLA. Republican Senator Jesse Helms proposed a bill to withhold $119 million in U.N. contributions until U. S. President Bill Clinton could certify that "no UN agency grants any official status, accreditation, or recognition to any organization which promotes, condones, or seeks the legalization of pedophilia, that is, the sexual abuse of children". The bill was unanimously approved by Congress and signed into law by Clinton in April 1994.
ILGA had passed a resolution in 1985 which stated that "young people have the right to sexual and social self-determination and that age of consent laws often operate to oppress and not to protect." In spite of this apparent agreement with NAMBLA on the age of consent issue just nine years before, ILGA, by a vote of 214-30 expelled NAMBLA and two other groups (MARTIJN and Project Truth) in early 1994 because they were judged to be "groups whose predominant aim is to support or promote pedophilia." Although ILGA removed NAMBLA, the U.N. reversed its decision to grant ILGA special consultative status. Repeated attempts by ILGA to reacquire special status with the U.N. have not been successful, but the group does exercise consultative status with the European Commission.
Gregory King of the Human Rights Campaign later said that "NAMBLA is not a gay organization ... They are not part of our community and we thoroughly reject their efforts to insinuate that pedophilia is an issue related to gay and lesbian civil rights." [21]

NAMBLA responded by claiming that "man/boy love is by definition homosexual," that "man/boy lovers are part of the gay movement and central to gay history and culture," and that "homosexuals denying that it is 'not gay' to be attracted to adolescent boys are just as ludicrous as heterosexuals saying it's 'not heterosexual' to be attracted to adolescent girls."[22]

1990s
In 1994 the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) adopted a "Position Statement Regarding NAMBLA" saying GLAAD "deplores the North American Man Boy Love Association's (NAMBLA) goals, which include advocacy for sex between adult men and boys and the removal of legal protections for children. These goals constitute a form of child abuse and are repugnant to GLAAD." Also in 1994 the Board of Directors of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force (NGLTF) adopted a resolution on NAMBLA that said: "NGLTF condemns all abuse of minors, both sexual and any other kind, perpetrated by adults. Accordingly, NGLTF condemns the organizational goals of NAMBLA and any other such organization."
Documents relating to the court case Curley v. NAMBLA and others provide further information on NAMBLA's structure and activities. In March 2003 Judge George O'Toole of the Massachusetts federal court found that in the 1990s (the period being considered by the court), NAMBLA was controlled by a national Steering Committee, "a group which purposefully directed NAMBLA's outreach activities generally."
The court documents also shed light on some of NAMBLA's activities, including that:
"NAMBLA was established as an unincorporated association in 1978 to encourage public acceptance of consensual sexual relationships between men and boys. Its principal place of business is New York, and its primary mechanisms of public outreach include its Bulletin, a quarterly publication sent to dues-paying members... Gayme Magazine, a NAMBLA publication mailed periodically to dues-paying members and sold at some bookstores; a NAMBLA website... TOPICS, a series of booklets providing more focused consideration of issues related to "man-boy love"; a prison newsletter; Ariel's Pages, a NAMBLA project through which literature concerning "man-boy love" was sold; and membership conferences.
"The Steering Committee, through several of its members, also formed "Zymurgy, Inc.," a Delaware corporation, which was operated as a profit-making arm of NAMBLA. Although the defendants describe the Bulletin, Gayme Magazine, Ariel's Pages, and Zymurgy, Inc. as separate and distinct from NAMBLA, it appears from the materials submitted, including minutes of Steering Committee meetings, that the Steering Committee controlled all of these entities, providing monies to initiate and support various projects and freely transferring funds among them."
"In addition to managing NAMBLA's financial matters, the Steering Committee also directed the association's policy, political, legal, and public relations efforts. Steering Committee members held frequent meetings and retreats during which they discussed NAMBLA's public image, formulated the association's outreach efforts, and nominated spokespersons. Members of the Steering Committee in close coordination with each other, created and maintained NAMBLA's website, and wrote, marketed, sold, and otherwise disseminated a variety of publications. Working in Massachusetts, William Andriette served as the editor of the Bulletin and Gayme Magazine. He did not act alone but rather under the supervision of the Steering Committee in producing these publications and in holding himself out as a NAMBLA spokesman.
"In addition to the financial support and supervision provided by the full Steering Committee, the content of the Bulletin was guided by the "Bulletin Collective," an editorial board comprising NAMBLA members from across the country who contributed and edited articles, screened photos and pictures, and participated in coordinating the production and distribution of the publication."
Judge O'Toole found that Dennis Bejin, Joe Power, David Thorstad, David Miller (also known as David Menasco), Peter Melzer (also known as Peter Herman), Arnold Schoen (also known as Floyd Conaway), Dennis Mintun, Chris Farrell, Tim Bloomquist, Tecumseh Brown, Gary Hann, Peter Reed, Robert Schwartz, Walter Bieder and Leyland Stevenson were or had been members of the NAMBLA Steering Committee or had held other leading positions in the organization.
(The full text of these documents can be seen here.)

Today
More recently, media reports have suggested that for practical purposes the group no longer exists and that it consists only of a web site maintained by a few enthusiasts. NAMBLA maintains a web site at http://www.nambla.org that shows addresses in New York and San Francisco and a phone contact in New York, and offers publications for sale, including the NAMBLA Bulletin.
NAMBLA was parodied in episode 203 of Mr. Show, "The Biggest Failure In Broadway History" and also in episode 406 of South Park, "Cartman Joins NAMBLA."
NAMBLA is identified as a lobby group in Jon Stewart's America: The Book A Citizen's Guide to Democracy Inaction (2004), and is also alluded to on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, often tagged on to an existing lobby group's acronym for the parody.

Criticism and response

Gay groups, Christian groups, anti-sexual abuse organizations, law enforcement agencies and other critics see NAMBLA as a front for the criminal sexual exploitation of children. They say NAMBLA functions as a meeting place for male pedophiles and pederasts and their sympathizers. A number of alleged NAMBLA members have been charged with and convicted of sexual offenses against children.
Onell R. Soto, a San Diego Union-Tribune writer, wrote in February 2005: "Law enforcement officials and mental health professionals say that while NAMBLA's membership numbers are small, the group has a dangerous ripple effect through the Internet by sanctioning the behavior of those who would abuse children." [23]

Suspicion pertaining to the group's activities led both the U.S. Senate and U.S. Postal Service to conduct investigations of the group, both of which concluded without allegations of legal impropriety.
NAMBLA responds to the criticism that it is a "front for criminal and sexual exploitation of children" and that it advocates sex between men and boys by stating unequivocally that "NAMBLA does not engage in any activities that violate the law, nor do we advocate that anyone else should do so" [24].

Since sex between adults and minors is illegal, it is presumably included in NAMBLA's avoidance of advocating activities that violate the law.
NAMBLA rejects the widely held view that sex between adults and minors is always harmful, arguing that "the outcomes of personal experiences between adults and younger people primarily depend upon whether their relationships were consensual," [25].

In support of this position NAMBLA cites research such as A Meta-Analytic Examination of Assumed Properties of Child Sexual Abuse Using College Samples, which was published in the Psychological Bulletin in 1998. NAMBLA devoted a web page to a brief overview of the study under the heading "The Good News About Man/Boy Love," and claimed the study showed, "On average, nearly 70% of males in the studies reported that as children or adolescents their sexual experiences with adults had been positive or neutral." [26].

Some researchers dispute the findings of the meta-analysis [27].

Gay rights groups opposed to NAMBLA contend that their reason for disavowing NAMBLA has always been their sharing of the general public's disdain for pedophilia and child sexual abuse (as expressed in issues statements). These gay rights groups reject NAMBLA's claims of an analogy between the campaign for gay and lesbian equality and the abolition of age-of-consent laws, and view NAMBLA's rhetoric about "the sexual rights of youth" as a cover for its members' "real agenda".
Radicals like Pat Califia [28] argue that politics played an important role in the gay community's rejection of NAMBLA. Califia says that although the gay rights mainstream never committed itself to NAMBLA or its platform, neither did it actively ostracise NAMBLA until opponents of gay rights used the group to link gay rights with child abuse and "recruitment." As evidence, subscribers to this theory point to statements made by prominent gay activists which contain political assessments of NAMBLA's impact on gay rights. One such statement was made by gay rights lobbyist Steve Endean. Endean, who opposed NAMBLA, said: "What NAMBLA is doing is tearing apart the movement. If you attach it [the man/boy love issue] to gay rights, gay rights will never happen." Gay author and activist Edmund White made a similar statement in his book States of Desire: "That's the politics of self-indulgence. Our movement cannot survive the man-boy issue. It's not a question of who's right, it's a matter of political naivete."
Some conservative Christians in the United States have used NAMBLA to attack gays in general. With the outbreak of the Roman Catholic Church sex abuse scandal in 2002, this practice intensified. Critics of such organizations have pointed to statistics from national professional associations, such as the American Psychological Association and the Child Welfare League of America, which indicate that there is no correlation between homosexuality and child abuse. [29]

Criminal allegations

Although NAMBLA itself has never been prosecuted, there have been a number of prosecutions of alleged NAMBLA members for sexual offences involving children or adolescents. The most recent of these cases involved a number of men arrested by the FBI in Los Angeles and San Diego in February 2005. Seven men were charged with planning to travel to Mexico to have sex with boys, the FBI said. An eighth man was charged with distributing child pornography.
According to a media report [30], the FBI believes that at least one of the arrested men is a member of NAMBLA's national leadership, a second organized the group's national convention last year and a third said he had been a member since the 1980s.

Curley v. NAMBLA
In 2000, a Boston couple, Robert and Barbara Curley, sued NAMBLA. According to the Curley's suit, Charles Jaynes and Salvatore Sicari (who were convicted of murdering the Curley's son, Jeffrey) "stalked Jeffrey Curley... and tortured, murdered and mutilated [his] body on or about October 1, 1997. Upon information and belief immediately prior to said acts Charles Jaynes accessed NAMBLA's website at the Boston Public Library." According to police, Jaynes had eight issues of a NAMBLA publication in his home at the time of his arrest. The lawsuit further alleges that "NAMBLA serves as a conduit for an underground network of pedophiles in the United States who use their NAMBLA association and contacts therein and the Internet to obtain child pornography and promote pedophile activity." [31]

The American Civil Liberties Union stepped in to defend NAMBLA as a free speech matter and won a dismissal based on the fact that NAMBLA is organized as an unincorporated association, not a corporation. The Curleys continued the suit as a wrongful death action against individual NAMBLA members, some of whom were active in the group's leadership. [32]

The target of the wrongful death suits were Roy Radow, Joe Power, David Miller, Peter Herman, Max Hunter, Arnold Schoen and David Thorstad, a co-founder of NAMBLA and well-known writer. The Curleys alleged that Charles Jaynes and Salvatore Sicari, who were convicted of the rape and murder of their ten-year-old son Jeffrey, were NAMBLA members.
As of April 2005 the wrongful death cases were still being considered by a Massachusetts federal court, with the American Civil Liberties Union assisting the defendants on the grounds that the suit violated their First Amendment rights to free speech.[33].

The American Civil Liberties Union makes it clear, however, that it does not endorse NAMBLA's objectives. "We've never taken a position that sexual-consent laws are beyond the state's power to legislate," John Reinstein, attorney for the Massachusetts branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, said in 1997. "I've never been able to fathom their position." (Boston Globe, October 9, 1997).

Other criminal cases
In addition to Curley v. NAMBLA, several other cases have been cited as evidence that NAMBLA serves as a meeting place or front for men who commit sexual crimes against children and adolescents.
Paul Shanley, a Catholic priest convicted of abusing children as young as six years old over a period of three decades, allegedly participated in NAMBLA workshops and advocacy, according to contemporaneous accounts of the events obtained by the Boston Globe. [34][35]

John David Smith, a San Francisco man convicted of sexually assaulting an 11-year-old boy he was babysitting, unwittingly spoke of his crimes to an undercover investigator who had infiltrated NAMBLA. Upon obtaining a warrant, the investigator also found guns and child pornography in Smith's apartment [36][37].

Johnathan Tampico was convicted of child molestation in 1989 and paroled in 1992 on condition that he not possess child pornography. After moving without informing authorities of his new address, he was found after a broadcast of America's Most Wanted. He was arrested and convicted on child pornography charges. In his sentencing, the court stated that Tampico was a member of NAMBLA, and that he and others frequently traveled to Thailand to have easy access to young boys. The court cited a number of Polaroid pictures provided by Thai officials depicting Tampico with young Thai boys sitting on his lap as evidence of the latter claim [38], [39].

James C. Parker, a New York man who, according to court records, told the police that he was a member of NAMBLA, was arrested in 2000 and convicted in 2001 of committing sodomy with a young boy [40].

See also

Pedophile activism
Pederasty
Pedophilia
Child sexual abuse
Rind et al. (1998)
Paedophile Information Exchange
Fred Cherry
Danish Pedophile Association

Sources cited

^ Brief of amicus curae of Bill Wood and Joseph Ureneck for Massachusetts Senate Bill 2175
^ Armstrong, Elizabeth A. Forging Gay Identities. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2002), 100.
^ Gamson, Joshua. 1997. Messages of Exclusion: Gender, Movements, and Symbolic Boundaries. Gender and Society 11(2):178-199.
^ The Curleys v NAMBLA and others
^ Johnson, Matthew D. 2004. NAMBLA. An Encyclopedia of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Culture. http://www.glbtq.com/social-sciences/nambla.html.
^ Smith, Miriam Catherine. Lesbian and Gay Rights in Canada. (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1999), 60-61.
^ Thorstad, David. "Man/Boy Love and the American Gay Movement," Journal of Homosexuality 20 (1990): 251-274.
^ Warner, Tom. Never Going Back. (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2002), 120.

References

Art Cohen, "The Boston-Boise Affair, 1977-78", Gay and Lesbian Review Worldwide, Vol. 10, No. 2. March-April, 2003.
Benoit Denizet-Lewis, "Boy Crazy: NAMBLA: The Story of a Lost Cause," Boston Magazine http://www.bostonmagazine.com/ArticleDisplay.php?id=27 May 2001.
John Mitzel, The Boston Sex Scandal, Boston, Glad Day Books, 1981

Trafficking of Burmese Women and Children into Thailand

1. The Issue

Trade in human beings for sex industry work and the continued
trafficking of women and children into Thailand from Myanmar is a
major human rights violation and also a serious health issue. In
a given year, thousands of Burmese women and children are bought
and sold as commodities, destined to become prostitutes. In
Thailand, ever younger girls are being lured and abducted into
forced prostitution, because they are thought to be safe from AIDS
(acquired immunodeficiency syndrome). The expansion of the sex
market to include this safe commodity (young girls) has resulted in
the creation of activist groups against the exploitation of
children. These local and international groups, particularly
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), have been effective in
informing the world about the problem of trafficked women and
children.

2. Description

Although the illegal trafficking in women and girls
possesses distinct characteristics in each country or region where
it occurs, certain patterns have emerged that cut across
geographical boundaries. In a typical situation, a women or girl
is first recruited by an agent who promises a good job in another
country or province. In the case of Thailand, the common practice
is to lure young Burmese women to Thailand with promises of
employment as a waitress or domestic servant -- but instead, the
girls are tricked into working as prostitutes.
As part of their recruitment or abduction, the women and girls
are controlled through debt bondage. The initial debt is usually
a payment to the woman's family at the time of recruitment, which
she must repay, with interest, by working in a brothel. This debt
also includes the brothel owner's normal charge of food, clothes,
medicine and other expenses. Escape is virtually impossible
without repaying the debt. Leaving the brothel without repayment
puts the woman at risk of punishment by the brothel owner, or
pimps. Also retribution against the prostitutes' parents and other
relatives for defaulting on her debt is not uncommon. To make
matters worse, police can and do arrest the trafficked woman on
illegal immigrant charges. The distance from home, lack of
familiarity with local language or dialect, and inability to find
local support networks further reinforce the women's and girls'
dependence on the brothel owners and pimps.
Many thousands of women and children from Myanmar are lured,
abducted or sold into brothels in Thailand. They are bartered at
prices that vary depending on their age, beauty and virginity.
Women and children who have been trafficked can rarely escape, and
are victims of exploitation. While it is true that heavy
trafficking of persons, particularly women, has taken place from
the Shan State in Myanmar for an extended period, the present
situation sees women from all over Myanmar being lured into
prostitution because of economic difficulties.
The number of Burmese women and girls recruited to work in
Thailand brothels has soared in recent years as an indirect
consequence of political repression in Myanmar by the ruling State
Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and because of improved
economic relations between Myanmar and Thailand. After the 1988
crack down on the pro-democracy movement by the Burmese military,
many countries around the world responded with economic sanctions
and withdrawal of foreign aid, resulting in the shortage of foreign
capital and exchange for Myanmar. Desperate for foreign exchange,
SLORC turned to Thailand which offered a range of economic
concessions. Such economic links led to official openings along
Thai-Myanmar border, allowing both Thai and Burmese citizens to
cross the common border easily (1).
This opening of trade and border crossings has facilitated the
rise in trafficking of men, women and children from Myanmar. The
same routes which are used to transport drugs and goods are now
also used to transport people. Although trafficking in women and
girls has become a lucrative and expanding cross-border trade,
which routinely escapes effective national and international
sanctions. This is due to corruption among police and immigration
officials at borders who aid the illegal passage of traffic in
persons.
A border boom brought about by the increased trade with
Myanmar, coupled with the profitable tourist industry in Thailand,
has increased the demand for women in the sex industry, especially
for younger girls. Tourism in Thailand generates some US$4 billion
annually, and sex is one of its most valuable sub-sectors(2).
Combined with the tourist demand for prostitutes, the local demand
is also high and helps sustain the sex market in Thailand. It is
estimated that 75 percent of Thai men have had sex with prostitutes
(3).
In addition to economic ties with Thailand, Myanmar's
suppressive military regime has led many members of ethnic minority
groups to become economically desperate enough to be recruited into
prostitution. Myanmar continues to be ruled by a highly
authoritarian military regime, (SLORC), which is widely condemned
for its serious human rights abuses. There continues to be
credible reports, particularly in ethnic minority areas, that
soldiers commit serious human rights abuses, including
extrajudicial killing and rape. Disappearance continues, and
prison conditions remain harsh, with the members of security force
randomly beating or otherwise abusing prisoners. Arbitrary
arrests and detention continue for expression of dissenting
political views, resulting in a few thousand students and
dissidents remaining in exile in Thailand.
According to a US Department of State Report on Myanmar,
approximately 90,000 people were residing in ethnic minority camps
along the Thai-Burma border, among these are thousands of new
arrivals driven out by army attacks in the ares controlled by the
Karen and Karenni ethnic minorities.(4) SLORC is suppressing
ethnic minority groups that are fighting for autonomy, and
consequently, women belonging to these groups, such as the Karen,
face difficulties because of militarism and the resulting economic
hardship. Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities,
violence against women and child prostitution, as well as
trafficking in women and girls in border areas remains a serious
problem.(5) Many women and children of the ethnic minority groups
in border areas, and particularly in the Shan State, were forced or
lured into working as prostitutes in Thailand.
The main center for trafficking in Eastern Myanmar is
Kengtung, in Shan State, Northern Burma. Thousands of Burmese
women of Akha, Lisu, Wa, Shan, Tai Yai and Burman ethnic origin are
bought, recruited and then sent on to Northern Thailand.
The following factors help to encourage the trafficking of
women from the Eastern Shan State. Shan women face severe
economic, physical, religious, cultural and political
discrimination. They are expected to find work that will support
their parents and families, as well as to work the fields and do
the house work when at home. Religious discrimination takes place
in the context of Theravada Buddhism. Shan women are not
considered pure enough even to enter the temples in central pagoda
areas. At an official level, there is little participation of Shan
women in the local decision making process.
The adverse socioeconomic conditions in Myanmar increase the
likelihood that women and girls will be lured into forced
prostitution. Notably in rural areas, women and girls have little
education and few economic opportunities. Myanmar is a poor
country, with an estimated average per capita income of US$200 to
US$300 per year on a cash basis or about US$600 to US$800 on a
purchasing power parity basis.(6) The complete lack of development
in the Eastern Shan State have also contributed to migration. In
many areas there are no roads, let alone cars, schools or clinics.
The vast majority of Shan women never had the opportunity to go to
school. Those who decide to cross the border into Thailand often
know nothing about AIDS. It is widely understood that prostitution
is an employment option where they can raise more money than
through any other work, given their limited education. Thus, the
burgeoning trade in women and girls is linked fundamentally to the
women's unequal status.
Disturbingly, some of these agents who recruit young women for
the brothel gangs in urban centers in Thailand are ordinary people
who are known by the women. Sometimes trusted villagers and townsþ
people or even friends and relatives have been known to lure
unsuspecting women to leave their homes with promises of jobs with
high wages, such as waitressing, in Thailand.
Once they arrive in Thailand, these victims rarely stay in
one location. While some women stay in one brothel for a year or
more, many are frequently moved around by the owners to avoid being
caught or found by the womenþs family members who want them back.
Many Burmese women end up in brothels in Ranong province which are
usually owned by Thai businessmen and employ both Thai and Burmese
women. Brothel owners use a combination of threats, force, debt
bondage and illegal confinement to control the women and girls, and
force them to work in deplorable conditions. This eliminates any
possibility of escape. In many cases, the women especially those
from Myanmar are forced to work in conditions which amount to
nothing short of slavery. Most of them are confined to their rooms
and only occasionally allowed to go out under the guard of a pimp.
For example, one brothel from which prostitutes were freed was
surrounded by barbed wired and an electrified fence (7).
Procurement and trafficking for the purpose of forced
prostitution are not only widespread in Thailand, but in many
instances occur with the direct involvement of the Thai police or
border guards. Police and immigration agents at the border not
only aid in the passage of Burmese women and girls, police
involvement extends to maintaining forced prostitution after the
women and girls enter the brothel. Brothels in Thailand are
officially illegal, but they continue to flourish. Brothels
routinely operate with police knowledge and police protection. For
instance, the Crime Suppression Division of the police force raided
houses suspected to be brothels in Bangkok and found account books
listing protection payments to Thai government officials (8).
Furthermore, police also are frequent clients at brothels.
Women and girls from brothels in the Ranong area who are
arrested as illegal immigrants are normally deported back to
Myanmar by Thai police and immigration officials. In most
deportations, many victims are met by agents offering to take them
to Bangkok for sex work, again (9). Or, the deported victims go
straight into the arms of SLORC officials who, in turn, charge them
of illegally leaving Myanmar and send them to prison.
The young women who are trafficked internationally are
especially victimized because of the language barrier in their
destination country. This creates a situation where they are
easily exploited by customers, are at the mercy of brothel owners,
are at disadvantage seeking help if they run away, are unaware of
laws that might protect them. Besides being forced to work off
their debt, which can take years, the women are charged for all
their expenses at the brothel. It is believed that some 20,000
women from Myanmar are presently in Thai brothels, with 10,000 new
recruits each year. The total number of prostitutes in Thailand is
estimated between 800,000 and 2 million (10).
Victims of forced prostitution are particularly exposed to
health risks, especially sexually transmitted diseases (STDs),
including AIDS, because they are not allowed to negotiate the terms
of sex. Aside from the risk of infection through sexual
intercourse with many clients, the growing popularity of
contraceptive injections in brothels also contributes to the spread
of disease, since brothels owners often use the same and possibly
contaminated needle several times. Other women have become
infertile due to STDs and, thus, unmarriageable. This is a great
stigma in cultures where the primary purpose of marriage is
procreation (11). Upon returning to Myanmar, these victims are
shunned by SLORC for being both minority ethnic members and
prostitutes and many are thrown into jails allegedly for illegal
migration to Thailand. Some are forced to return to prostitution
back in Thailand in order to support themselves. Many Burmese
prostitutes, who were known to have AIDS, are murdered by Burmese
soldiers when upon returning to Myanmar (12).
A report from the United Nations International Drug Control
Program states that 74.3% of all tested drug users, 9% of the
prostitutes, 0.5% of blood donors and 1.4% of pregnant women in
Myanmar were HIV-positive (13). The AIDS virus is spreading at an
extreme pace among prostitutes in Asia. Thailand could have up to
800,000 people infected with the virus, and Myanmar -- where
condoms were banned until 1992 and are still rare -- has some
400,000 infected people (14).
In Thailand, which has a high prevalence rate of HIV, the
clients fear of infection has led traffickers to recruit younger
women and girls, sometimes as young as ten. Many come from remote
areas in neighboring countries which are perceived to be unaffected
by the AIDS pandemic. This ensures their "purity" or virginity
which increase their value (15). Child prostitution in Thailand
refers to children under fourteen. Although pedophiles have always
sought out young children, the AIDS scare has escalated the use of
children by all consumers. Young children are sometimes marketed
as 'virgins' in order to attract customers who believe that
children are not exposed to AIDS, and thus can provide safe sex.
Moreover, virgins are in great demand among Chinese from
Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong. Chinese men prize sexual
intercourse with young girls for the rejuvenating properties they
believe to be associated with the act. According to O'Grady,
"there are surprisingly large number of aging and wealthy Chinese
businessmen who believe that they must deflower a virgin at least
once a year to gain the energy needed to be successful in their
business enterprise and have a long life"(16). However, the idea
that a child is safer than an adult in terms of transmitting STDs
and AIDS is only fallacy. In fact, children are at greater risks
because of youth: their vaginas and anuses are easily torn,
creating sores and bleeding that permit the AIDS virus to spread
quickly.
Dr. Werasit, director of AIDS research at the Anonymous Clinic
run by the Red Cross and World Health Organization (WHO) in
Bangkok, completed his tests of prostitution in the Chiang Mai area
in December of 1992. Four out of five prostitutes tested in the
Chiang Mai area were HIV-positive. He estimated that 50 to 80
percent of prostitutes in Thailand are infected. According to the
WHO, between 125,000 and 150,000 Thais will have died from AIDS by
1997. The Population and Community Development Association of
Thailand estimates that AIDS could infect as many as 5.3 million by
the year 2000, with more than a projected million dead from AIDS
(17). Thailand, as a developing nation, does not have the health-
care infrastructure to deal with an epidemic of this impending
size. It will be easy for prostitutes to become part of a
disposable population that receives little, if any, health care.
The epidemic could eventually throttle the country's economic
boom, which has exported its way to an annual growth rate averaging
7.5 percent over the last decade. Since rapid economic growth has
already created a shortage of technically skilled Thais, losses
from AIDS will add a still greater cost to the work force. "The
center of gravity of the AIDS epidemic in the world is moving to
Asia," says David E. Bloom, professor of economics at Columbia
University in New York (18). The gravity of the AIDS crisis has
begun to wake up Western transnational and Asian corporations.
These companies facing a scarcity of skilled labor in many parts of
Asia could face more problems if they suddenly began to lose
experienced staff to AIDS.
Health-care costs are sure to skyrocket, a labor shortage will
emerge, and foreign investment could dry up. Treatment for AIDS,
excluding expensive drugs, costs $1,000 a year, or 50 percent of
the annual income for an average family. Each death due to AIDs,
which usually strikes victims in the peak of their productive
years, equals a loss in future earnings of $22,000 per person.
This is compounded by the slacking off of the $5 billion tourism
industry, in part from the impact of AIDS (19).
The virus spreads rapidly from country to country in part
because of trafficking of prostitutes across borders, but also
because customers tend to hop from place to place. Sex tours
started in Japan, allowing groups of men to visit brothels in South
Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. Now South Korean and Taiwanese men
are prosperous enough to travel on sex tours of their own to places
like Bangkok or Manila.
Southeast Asia is now the world's number one destination for
tourists looking for sex.(20). Many sex tourists are from the
West, but a great number of Japanese and Chinese are also drawn by
the low prices, easy access to prostitutes of either sex at any age
and the lack of enforcement of laws. Without doubt, the rising sex
tourism is contributing to the spread of AIDS everywhere. It is
also true in Thailand that prostitutes who use condoms with their
clients do not necessarily use them with men whom they are have
personal relationships, and, hence, intimate relationships
currently present a great danger in contracting STDs and AIDS (21).
At the same time, those Thai men who frequently visit prostitutes
also present the same danger to their wives and girlfriends at
home.
Sex tourism in Asia is fed both by the use of local women and
children and by international trafficking in persons. Sex tourism
is closely tied to economic development in Thailand. The enormous
increase in sex tourism in Thailand in the 1970s and 1980s is
directly tied to the Vietnam War. Bangkok became a major center
for Rest and Recreation (R & R) leave, commonly known the by GIs as
I & I (Intoxication and Intercourse).(22) A large and steady
stream of dollars entered the local economy through the sex
industry. When the war ended, the Thai government, the military,
and business, needed to continue the flow of foreign exchange
earnings. To this end, they promoted sex tourism, to such an extent
that a group of high-ranking military generalþs wives created a
travel agency to organize the tours. After the war, many Americans
chose not to go home. The saying was that there were no MIA in
Vietnam; in reality they were all MIBs -- Mischief in Bangkok.(23)
From 1965 to 1993, the number of tourists grew from 250,000 to over
5 billion (24).
Tour agencies in industrialized countries, especially Japan,
Australia, Europe, North America, and recently, Korea, organize
tours to major sex industry centers for men explicitly for sexual
activity. Cities and resort areas specialize in particular types
of sex or certain nationalities of men. For example, a city in
northern Thailand is a noted homosexual center. Various areas in
Bangkok are set up to serve men from different countries. Patpong
is the famous area for Western tourists. Several island resorts in
Thailand are specifically for pedophiles, and their remote nature
makes them that much more difficult to be found in order to protest
their acts.
The exploitation of boys and girls exemplify the single most
unsavory element of the worldwide growth in the sex trade: an
explosion in child prostitution, driven in part by the fear of
AIDS. Since 1985, child prostitution has escalated dramatically
worldwide. In the developing world the number of child prostitutes
are staggering: an estimated 800,000 underage prostitutes in
Thailand, 400,000 in India, 250,000 in Brazil and 60,000 in the
Philippines.(25) The newest international sites for child
prostitution are Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, China and the Dominican
Republic.
In recent years, religious groups, and feminist organizations,
and nongovernmental organizations have begun to press for an end to
sex tourism. For example, in Thailand, the recent government
efforts to curb the sex industry can be viewed, in part, as
facilitated by the growth of female tourists, new social movements
against women and child prostitutes, and of the increasing
awareness of AIDS.
Example of the newly emerged social movement group is The End
Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT), founded in 1990 by
Asia-based Christian groups, now has offices in 14 nations and
extensive links with religious and social organizations around the
world dedicated to fighting child prostitution. Pressure by ECPAT,
and groups like it has already had some impact; in 1992 the
Philippine government adopted a Child Protection Code to guard
against child abuse.
Another effective fighter against sexual exploitation of
children is the Task Force to End Child Exploitation in Thailand,
a coalition of 24 government and private agencies dedicated to
exposing links between Europe and the child sex trade in Bangkok.
In 1991, the group disclosed the existence of a Swiss network of
airline-ticket agencies catering to European pedophiles.(26)
Local, regional and international nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) have been at the forefront of efforts to raise
awareness of trafficking and to press for accountability. NGOs,
particularly local groups, are carrying out desperately needed
programs to warn girls and their families of the dangers of
trafficking, shelter those who have managed to escape, provide
urgent medical and psychological care, assist in repatriation, and
press governments to strengthen domestic laws against trafficking.
The work of NGOs has filled the gaps left by government
inaction and, at times, has led to governmentsþ improving their
behavior. For example, in Thailand, NGOs working alone find that
after they rescue girls and send them back to their country, they
often come back again, especially those from Myanmar and the border
areas, where the ongoing political conflict meant there was no one
to take care of the children sent back across the border. Thus,
NGOs have sheltered Burmese women and girls and found safe,
undisclosed ways to return them home over the borders. In
addition, Thai NGOs have advocated that their government adopt the
necessary legislation and ratify the relevant international
instruments to improve projections for trafficking victims.
From the international level, according to the American-based
human-rights group, Asia Watch, the Thai government turns a blind
eye to the traffic in women and girls brought from Myanmar to
Thailand in forced prostitution.(27) Furthermore, the border
controls that exist between Thailand and Myanmar are evaded by
corrupt police on both sides. According to the Asia Watch, despite
clear evidence of direct official involvement in every stage of the
trafficking process, no Thai officer has been prosecuted, except in
one highly publicized case of murder.(28)
Due to the NGOs demand, in March 1994 the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights adopted Resolution 1994/45 calling for
the elimination of trafficking in women for the purposes of
prostitution. The appointment of a U.N. Special Rapporteur on
Violence Against Women and the work of the U.N. Special Rapporteur
on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography,
in particular, have helped put pressure on the U.N. and its members
to recognize the seriousness of the trafficking problem. U.N.
Specialized agencies, including UNICEF, UNDP and WHO, have begun to
analyze the issue of trafficking and prostitution in relation to
their education, development, and relief work. The International
Police Organization (INTERPOL) has also held several conferences on
trafficking and has attempted to coordinate cross-border efforts of
law enforcement agencies to curb trafficking in children, as
mentioned earlier.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) launched a program
to combat the trafficking of children and their exploitation in
prostitution and sweatshops in Asia in the beginning of 1997. In
Southeast Asia, Thailand appears to be the center of the problem
according to ILO International Program on the Elimination of Child
Labor (IPEC) for Asia. In addition to prostitution, surveys by ILO
and NGOs found foreign boys and girls, mainly from Myanmar, in
factories, construction sites, gas station and sweatshops in
Bangkok and across the country.(29) Economic progress and
development in Thailand may have actually contributed to the flow
of children from other countries of the Mekong River region, where
many face poverty and underdevelopment, political instability and
civil war.

3. Related Cases

THAIAIDS case
CIGAR case
THAITOUR case
CANALTH case
TEAK

Keyword Clusters
(1) Trade Product = HUMAN beings
(2) Bio-geography = TROPical
(3) Environmental Problem = Health

4. Draft Author: Kalaya Chareonying (April 3, 1997)

B. LEGAL Clusters

5. Discourse and Status: DISagreement and ALLEGation

6. Forum and Scope: Thailand and REGION

7. Decision Breadth: 2 (Myanmar, Thailand)

8. Legal Standing: Law

Thailand historically has addressed the problem of
trafficking of women by adopting several international laws
concerning this issue. Thailand ratified three international
agreements that ended the sanction of prostitution by the
government. These three agreements are:
1. The international Agreement for the Suppression of the
White Slave Trade of 1904.
2. The International Convention of the Suppression of the
Traffic in Women and Children of 1922.
3. The International Convention for the Suppression of the
Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of
Others of 1950.
Under the terms of the third agreement, state parties "agree
to punish any person who, to gratify the passions of another,
procures, entices or leads away, for purposes of prostitution,
another person..."(30) Furthermore, Article 5 of the Traffick
Convention requires state parties to sanction any person who runs
or finances a brothel.
Additionally, the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) also reiterated the
state parties to take all appropriate measures to suppress the
traffic in women.(31)
Despite the passage of the Suppression of Prostitution Act,
the Thai governmentþs commitment to eradicating prostitution was
called into serious question with the introduction of the
Entertainment Places Act of 1966 (the R & R treaty). This act
regulates nightclubs, dance halls, bars and places for massage or
steam baths which have women attend to customers. This law
basically allows prostitutes to operate under the disguise of those
entertainment establishments. Thus, Thailand has contributed to
both the trafficking of human beings and forced prostitution by not
enforcing laws that it has ratified.

C. GEOGRAPHIC Clusters

9. Geographic Locations

a. Geographic Domain: Asia
b. Geographic Site: Southeast Asia
c. Geographic Impact: Thailand and Myanmar

10. Sub-National Factors: NO

11. Type of Habitat: TROPical

D. TRADE Clusters

12. Type of Measure: Regulatory Standard

13. Direct vs. Indirect Impacts: INDirect

14. Relation of Measure to Environment Impact

a. Directly Related: YES Human beings
b. Indirectly Related: NO
c. Not Related: NO
d. Process Related: YES Health

15. Trade Product Identification: Entertainment

16. Economic Data

With the existing law enforcement officials, Thailand already
has the human resources to carry out the Anti-Trafficking Law,
given those involved are not corrupt. In addition, Thailand has
the economic resources generated from the tourism industry to carry
out anti-child prostitution and anti-AIDS campaigns. However, the
alarming data about the possible number of AIDS cases by the year
2000 has worried not only the Thai government, but also foreign
investors who must rely on a good standing labor force for economic
progress of the country.

17. Impact of Measure of Trade Competitiveness: HIGH

18. Industry Sector: Services

19. Exporter and Importer: Myanmar and Thailand

E. Environmental Clusters

20. Environmental Problem Type: Health

21. Species

22. Impact and Effect: HIGH and REGULatory

23. Urgency and Lifetime: HIGH and about 60 years

24. Substitutes: Ecotourism

F. OTHER Factors

25. Culture: YES

A double-standard code of conduct reinforces and reflects the
demand for prostitution. In Thai society, while strict rules of
sexual conduct are applied to women, men can maintain their sexual
freedom, and in many cases promiscuity is taken as proof of
manhood. A demonstration of heterosexual orientation by having sex
with a female prostitute is an important rite of passage for some
groups of Thai men.(32) For example, it is a common practice for
second-year university students to take freshmen to the local
brothel.(33) One study has shown that many Thai men, around 73%,
have their first sexual experience with a prostitute.(34) In
addition, according to Harvard researcher Hnin Hnin Pyne, 75% of
Thai men frequently visit prostitutes (35).
Furthermore, many Thai people accept as the norm sexual non-
restraint for males. In a recent study by Deemar Corporation, 80%
of the males and 74% of the females responded that it was þnatural
for men to pursue sex at every opportunityþ (36). Many Thai men
continue visiting prostitutes after marriage and their spouses
accept this as an alternative to having an affair. Since divorced
Thai women end up alone, many are forced to stay with their
irresponsible husbands. Thus, the promiscuity of Thai men and the
mentality that leads to this promiscuity are key reasons for the
enormity of the prostitution problem.

26. Trans-Border: YES

Trafficked victims are not only sent to Thailand for
prostitution, but Thailand is also used as the main route for
sending prostitutes to other countries.

27. Human Rights: YES

It does not matter whether trafficked victims are men, women
or children, with or without STDs or AIDS, they are human beings,
and thus deserved to be treated as human. Many victims who carry
the AIDS virus are shunned by society and the government and are
left to die.

28. Relevant Literature.

(1) "New Border Checkpoints Open," Bangkok Post, 7 October 1992.

(2) Steven Schlosstein, Asiaþs New Little Dragon (Chicago:
Contemporary Books, 1991), 196-197.

(3) Aaron Sachs, "The Last Commodity: Child Prostitution in
the Developing World," World Watch (July/August 1994), 28.

(4) "Burma Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996,"
Department of State Human Rights Country Reports (1997 U.S.
Department of State, February 1997).

(5) Ibid.

(6) Ibid.

(7) "An International Trade in Sex Slavery," Bangkok Post, 18
July 1991.

(8) "89 Suspected Call-girls Arrested," The Nation (Thailand), 28
July 1993.

(9) Bertil Lintner, "Immigrant viruses," Far Eastern Economic
Review, 20 February 1992, 31.

(10) "The Slaves from Myanmar," Economist 330, 5 February 1994: 32.

(11) "Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and
Consequences," U.N. Document E/CN.4/1995/42, (Geneva: United
Nations, 22 November 1994), 50.

(12) Michael S. Serrill, "Defiling the Children," Time, 21 June
1993, 53.

(13) Bertil Lintner, "Burma: Plague Without Borders," Far Eastern
Economic Review 157, 21 July 1994: 26.

(14) Nicholas D. Kristof, "Children for Sale -- A special report;
Asian childhoods sacrificed to prosperity's lust," New York Time,
14 April 1996.

(15) Marlise Simons, "The Sex Market: Scrounge on the World's
Children," New York Times, 9 April 1993.

(16) Ron O'Grady, The Child and the Tourist (Bangkok, ECPAT: 1992),
80.

(17) Steven Erlanger, "A Plague Awaits," New York Times
Magazine, 14 July 1991, 24.

(18) Ibid., 54.

(19) Joyce Barnathan, "The AIDS Disaster Unfolding in Asia: Nations
are Ill-equipped to Manage the Onslaught," Business Week, 22
February 1993, 53.

(20) "The Lost Children," Asiaweek, 7 February 1997, 36.

(21) Cleo Odzer, Patpong Sisters (New York: Blue Moon Books,
1994).

(22) Ibid., 2.

(23) Ibid.

(24) Statistical Yearbook for Asia and the Pacific, Economic and
Commission for Asia and the Pacific (Bangkok: United Nations,
1994).

(25) Michael S. Serrill, "Defiling the Children," Time 21 June
1993, 52-56.

(26) Ibid., 52.

(27) A Modern Form of Slavery: Trafficking of Burmese Women
and Girls into Brothels in Thailand (New York: Human Rights Watch,
1993).

(28) Ibid.

(29) "ILO Program to Combat Child Prostitution and Trafficking,"
Agence France Presse, 6 December 1996.

(30) Trafficking Convention, Article 1.

(31) CEDAW, Article 6.

(32) Steven Erlanger, "A plague awaits," New York Times
Magazine, 14 July 1991, 26.

(33) "Thailand: Sense about sex," Economist, 8 February 1992,
33.

(34) Tawesak Nopkesorn, Suebpong Sungkorom, and Rungkan Sornlum,
HIV Prevalence and Sexual Behavior among Thai Men aged 21 in
Northern Thailand (Bangkok: Thai Red Cross Society, 1991).

(35) Aaron Sachs, "The Last Commodity: Child Prostitution in the
Developing World," World Watch (July/August 1994), 28.

(36) Deemar Corporation, Presentations of Findings. Knowledge,
Attitudes and Practices. Study on AIDS in Urban Thailand
(Bangkok: Deemar, 1990), 2; quoted in Mark J. Vanlandingham,
"Sexual activities among never-married men in northern Thailand,"
Demography 30 no. 3 (August 1993): 297-311.